Early China and the Outside World

The Gongyang Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals, a Confucian text, notes the Qin’s absence from the record lies in their character as barbarians (Lewis, I, 39). From prehistoric China to the Sui dynasty of the late 6th century, the Chinese developed alongside foreign presences which they strove to negate and avoid. Nevertheless, foreign peoples and ideas have induced the rise and fall of Chinese dynasties. Through religion, non-Chinese ideas and characters redirected religious and social beliefs. Through military elements and religious views, foreign winds influenced political, religious, social organization and occupations and cultural elements. Nomadic cultures versus sedentary often impressed more change with Chinese ideas exerting greater power over the latter. Even while often acting as an invisible guiding hand, foreign influences failed to fully redefine core Chinese ways in each of these areas. Without the presence of foreigners in her history Sui China’s characteristics would still mirror core aspects of the early China.

Surrounded by vast tracts of land, China faced the issue of permeable borders throughout her history. The porous boarder allowed for military incursions and warfare equipment and techniques to infiltrate. In prehistoric sites, evidences of warfare emerge. In North China, villages boost earthen walls while in Han-tan in Hopei human remains indicate signs of scalping (Chang, 114-117). While it is not deducible if foreign troops caused the walls to go up or the deaths, Northern China faced constant threats from roaming nomadic tribes during the imperial period. The nomadic attacks shaped the rise and fall of various dynasties. The Zhou, unable to contend with the Rong moved East allowing the Qin to polish its military skills until it defeated the Rong. As a sand grain in an oyster’s shell, the Rong’s presence instigated the development of the Qin enabling them to conquer the diverse Warring States. Later, a combination of warlords and the Xiongnu tribe brought the fall of the Western Jin (Lewis, II, 51). While initially lamentable, the southern flight only augmented the future wealth and prosperity of China with the integration of southern resources. Both examples demonstrate one tendency for the Chinese to flee from forceful tribal groups.

Another typical Chinese response involved integration or adoption of foreign people and ideas. As early as the Shang period, findings of bronze weapons different to typical Shang work show a trend that continued in adopting nomadic weaponry and military force (Lewis, I, 129). Histories from the Han period note the prominent presence of nomadic troops in the army; the Han began, “’using barbarians to control barbarians’”(Lewis, I, 139). Cao, Cao, centuries later, took captured Wuhuan people and formed a solid cavalry corps (Lewis, II, 59). With the policy of resettling conquered nomads within Chinese territory, their presence proved dominant during the Northern and Southern dynasties period. Thus, it can be argued that nomadic groups proved quintessential in shaping China’s history as they caused the Jin’s southern flight and remained a prominent Northern influence. Yet it was not a one way road between the sedentary Chinese culture and the mobile nomadic group. This is seen in the rise of the dual administration. The Murong Xianbei mixed the best of both, using mobile military forces and Chinese political structure (Lewis, II, 74). If seen from the nomadic perspective, the great stable culture to the south absorbed them and influenced their ideas of political administration. Under Tuoba Gui, a tribe, the Northern Wei came into being (Lewis, II, 79-80). It consistently adopted Chinese culture, and moved the capital to Luoyang (Lewis, II 81). The northerner’s mobility did not alter the established Chinese state; rather, the Chinese influenced them to establish roots. While resettling nomads within China almost proved lethal, it eliminated that threat by absorbing their people into the stable Sui and Tang dynasties. Intermarriage being common in these dynasties demonstrates the ultimate control of the Chinese culture upon their northern enemies (Lewis, II, 248).

With their sedentary neighbors in the North, the Chinese succeeded in granting more than they received. Areas of the future Korea gained validation by sending tribute to China (Lewis, I, 151). Brick patterns reflect Chinese influence in modern Southern Korea (Lewis, II, 153). The Japanese culture patterned heavily off their sedentary neighbor (Lewis, II, 155). Thus, China also transmitted important cultural and nation building elements to their neighbors. Sharing with sedentary cultures seemed more feasible than with mobile, militant tribes.

Within the religious realm, the Chinese culture remained stolid to influences until the N & S Dynasties period. Expansion interests as demonstrated in Zhang Qian’s strategic plot to ally with the Wusun and allow the “other countries to the west” to establish political relations and submission opened the door to Central Asia; this became the main artery for Buddhism (Lewis, I, 141; Lewis, II, 204). Notably Dunhuang, where Buddhist translator Kumarajiva lived, was part of the first century trade route and continued through the Han and Tang dynasties (Lewis, I, Map 12; Lewis, II, Map 14, 205). While Buddhism came to dominate much of Chinese religious thought, its success depended on certain Chinese cultural foundations. The interest in “dark studies” opened the door for monks to participate due to their own philosophical capacities (Lewis, II, 205). Buddhism’s teachings resonated with much of Chinese religion and values. The Analects note, “a young man is to be filial within his family”, highlighting the importance of filial piety (Confucius and the Analects, 45). Buddhism accommodated for this value through the ability to sacrifice for ancestors. Prayers attached to a sutra in Dunhuang all contain a plea for family member’s welfare (Dunhuang texts). A Confucian text, Master Xun describes burial places as imitations of their homes to enhance their afterlife; a Shang dynasty tomb in Honan province replete with expensive bronze vessels also indicates a concept of an afterlife; thus, the idea of an afterlife and enhancing the wellbeing of family members constituted an old Chinese tradition (Lewis, I, 189; Chang, 95-96).Valuing family lines extends from prehistoric China where tombs hold groups of men, women and children indicating family based burial (Chang, 116). While Buddhist monks were integral for funerary rites, a similar concept was in place when the shaman were used to conduct divination with oracle bones (Chang, 51). Thus while Buddhism emerged as a foreign religion it integrated easily due to established cultural traditions which resonated with the faith.

During the disunion period, eremitism and literary interest emerged. Their development grew from a mixture of Chinese and foreign forces. Wang Chong in the 1st century elevated the Han because of its wealth in exotic goods (Lewis, I, 153). Foreigner’s goods received adulation and helped empower rulers. The core concept of measuring the weight of an emperor due to his ability to attract others (or exotic goods) to himself, Lewis argues allowed Buddhism to infiltrate in the 4th - 6th centuries as emperors practiced the religion (Lewis, I, 152; Lewis, II). With the rise of eremitism from before the Qin to its increase in the N & S dynasties period, (evidenced in accounts describing such individuals) the culture prepared to receive Buddhism monks and monasteries (Lewis, II, 22-23). Rising literary interest as seen in Cao, Cao, a military general who composed poetry evidenced foreign features (Lewis, II, 227). Liu Xie, writing on sounds and their written expression, demonstrates an interest which Lewis argues shows Indian literature’s presence and contact with Sanskrit (Lewis, II, 230-231). The early interest in exotic goods contributed to an acceptance and interest in unusual southern landscape features as evidenced through titles such as Xi Han’s The Appearance of Southern Grasses and Trees (Lewis, II, 21).These themes present in Chinese literature thus rooted in having contact with outsiders’ goods and the Han concept of measuring a ruler’s ability draw others. While the Chinese integrated aspects of foreign influences, nevertheless, there remained a self-conscious distance from the barbaric. The conversation between two nobles comparing the northern and southern peoples where the southerners are criticized for their “small bodies” illustrates a continued aversion to non-Chinese elements (Thompson, July 29, 09). The Chinese, due to contact with outside influences integrated certain aspects “quietly” while maintaining a certain reserve.

Another area evidencing an outsider’s touch is the Chinese cultural fabric. Just as the early Shang absorbed non-Shang weaponry, so the later culture adopted items such as Central Asian carpets and horses (Lewis, I, 129, 154). Historian Ban Gu’s letters document purchases of such exotics (Lewis, I, 154). Items such as face powder, the pipa and foods entered Chinese mainstream culture through trade (Lewis, I, 154). While adopting these elements, Chinese silk, as Faxian noted, became part of religious service in Central Asia (Lewis, II, 160). Thus while absorbing important alien elements the Chinese also impacted its surrounding neighbors.

To conclude, while foreigners strongly figure in Chinese history, core values remained intact. The Chinese adopted, merged or fled outsiders and their ideas. While outsiders often directed the rise and fall of dynasties the Chinese eventually radically changed their northern enemies and infiltrated quintessential political concepts to northern sedentary neighbors. “Foreign” ideas succeeded by springing off basic cultural cornerstones and failed to transform Chinese core values of family, religious adherence, and emperorship. While integral to Chinese history, foreigners failed to redefine the heart evidenced from prehistoric times.

References
Chang, K.C. Art, Myth, and Ritual: The Path to Political Authority in Ancient China.
Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University, 1983.
Lewis, Mark. China Between Empires: The Northern and Southern Dynasties. Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University, 2009.
Lewis, Mark. The Early Chinese Empires: Qin and Han. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard
University, 2007.
Thompson, Roger R. “Chinese History to 600 A.D.” Lecture, Western Washington University, Bellingham WA, July 2009.
Dunhuang texts: handout in “Chinese History to 600 A.D.” Lecture, Western Washington
University, Bellingham WA, July 28, 2009.
The Chinese Tradition in Antiquity. Handout in “Chinese History to 600 A.D.” Lecture, Western
Washington University, Bellingham WA, July 2009.