Monday, August 31, 2009
Wednesday, August 26, 2009
Proving the Bible True
"Much of the minimalist effort has been invested in the claim that David and Solomn-the founders of the Jerusalem Dynasty- are not historical figures. They argued that...they are not mentioned in any extra-biblical texts and should therefore be seen as legendary personalities. This arguement suffered a major blow when the Tel Dan basalt stele was discovered in the mid- 1990s. It comprises several fragments of a triumphal inscription written in Aramaic....It describes from the Aramean perspective, the territorial conflict between Israel and Damascus in the ninth century [B.C.] and records how an Aramean king (Hazael) launched a punishing offensive against his southern enemies...in which-so he claimed-he killed the king of Israel and his ally, the king of the 'House of David' (or bytdwd). This was the first time that the name of "David" was found in any contemporary source outside the Bible.... Moreover, it most probably specified the names of the two later kings-Joram of Israel and Ahaziah of Judah-both of whom are mentioned in the biblical text."
-The Quest for the Historical Israel: Debating Archeology and the History of Early Israel by Isreal Finkelstein and Amihai Mazar. Edited by Brian B. Schmidt. Pg. 14
-The Quest for the Historical Israel: Debating Archeology and the History of Early Israel by Isreal Finkelstein and Amihai Mazar. Edited by Brian B. Schmidt. Pg. 14
Thursday, August 20, 2009
Thursday, August 13, 2009
Early China and the Outside World
The Gongyang Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals, a Confucian text, notes the Qin’s absence from the record lies in their character as barbarians (Lewis, I, 39). From prehistoric China to the Sui dynasty of the late 6th century, the Chinese developed alongside foreign presences which they strove to negate and avoid. Nevertheless, foreign peoples and ideas have induced the rise and fall of Chinese dynasties. Through religion, non-Chinese ideas and characters redirected religious and social beliefs. Through military elements and religious views, foreign winds influenced political, religious, social organization and occupations and cultural elements. Nomadic cultures versus sedentary often impressed more change with Chinese ideas exerting greater power over the latter. Even while often acting as an invisible guiding hand, foreign influences failed to fully redefine core Chinese ways in each of these areas. Without the presence of foreigners in her history Sui China’s characteristics would still mirror core aspects of the early China.
Surrounded by vast tracts of land, China faced the issue of permeable borders throughout her history. The porous boarder allowed for military incursions and warfare equipment and techniques to infiltrate. In prehistoric sites, evidences of warfare emerge. In North China, villages boost earthen walls while in Han-tan in Hopei human remains indicate signs of scalping (Chang, 114-117). While it is not deducible if foreign troops caused the walls to go up or the deaths, Northern China faced constant threats from roaming nomadic tribes during the imperial period. The nomadic attacks shaped the rise and fall of various dynasties. The Zhou, unable to contend with the Rong moved East allowing the Qin to polish its military skills until it defeated the Rong. As a sand grain in an oyster’s shell, the Rong’s presence instigated the development of the Qin enabling them to conquer the diverse Warring States. Later, a combination of warlords and the Xiongnu tribe brought the fall of the Western Jin (Lewis, II, 51). While initially lamentable, the southern flight only augmented the future wealth and prosperity of China with the integration of southern resources. Both examples demonstrate one tendency for the Chinese to flee from forceful tribal groups.
Another typical Chinese response involved integration or adoption of foreign people and ideas. As early as the Shang period, findings of bronze weapons different to typical Shang work show a trend that continued in adopting nomadic weaponry and military force (Lewis, I, 129). Histories from the Han period note the prominent presence of nomadic troops in the army; the Han began, “’using barbarians to control barbarians’”(Lewis, I, 139). Cao, Cao, centuries later, took captured Wuhuan people and formed a solid cavalry corps (Lewis, II, 59). With the policy of resettling conquered nomads within Chinese territory, their presence proved dominant during the Northern and Southern dynasties period. Thus, it can be argued that nomadic groups proved quintessential in shaping China’s history as they caused the Jin’s southern flight and remained a prominent Northern influence. Yet it was not a one way road between the sedentary Chinese culture and the mobile nomadic group. This is seen in the rise of the dual administration. The Murong Xianbei mixed the best of both, using mobile military forces and Chinese political structure (Lewis, II, 74). If seen from the nomadic perspective, the great stable culture to the south absorbed them and influenced their ideas of political administration. Under Tuoba Gui, a tribe, the Northern Wei came into being (Lewis, II, 79-80). It consistently adopted Chinese culture, and moved the capital to Luoyang (Lewis, II 81). The northerner’s mobility did not alter the established Chinese state; rather, the Chinese influenced them to establish roots. While resettling nomads within China almost proved lethal, it eliminated that threat by absorbing their people into the stable Sui and Tang dynasties. Intermarriage being common in these dynasties demonstrates the ultimate control of the Chinese culture upon their northern enemies (Lewis, II, 248).
With their sedentary neighbors in the North, the Chinese succeeded in granting more than they received. Areas of the future Korea gained validation by sending tribute to China (Lewis, I, 151). Brick patterns reflect Chinese influence in modern Southern Korea (Lewis, II, 153). The Japanese culture patterned heavily off their sedentary neighbor (Lewis, II, 155). Thus, China also transmitted important cultural and nation building elements to their neighbors. Sharing with sedentary cultures seemed more feasible than with mobile, militant tribes.
Within the religious realm, the Chinese culture remained stolid to influences until the N & S Dynasties period. Expansion interests as demonstrated in Zhang Qian’s strategic plot to ally with the Wusun and allow the “other countries to the west” to establish political relations and submission opened the door to Central Asia; this became the main artery for Buddhism (Lewis, I, 141; Lewis, II, 204). Notably Dunhuang, where Buddhist translator Kumarajiva lived, was part of the first century trade route and continued through the Han and Tang dynasties (Lewis, I, Map 12; Lewis, II, Map 14, 205). While Buddhism came to dominate much of Chinese religious thought, its success depended on certain Chinese cultural foundations. The interest in “dark studies” opened the door for monks to participate due to their own philosophical capacities (Lewis, II, 205). Buddhism’s teachings resonated with much of Chinese religion and values. The Analects note, “a young man is to be filial within his family”, highlighting the importance of filial piety (Confucius and the Analects, 45). Buddhism accommodated for this value through the ability to sacrifice for ancestors. Prayers attached to a sutra in Dunhuang all contain a plea for family member’s welfare (Dunhuang texts). A Confucian text, Master Xun describes burial places as imitations of their homes to enhance their afterlife; a Shang dynasty tomb in Honan province replete with expensive bronze vessels also indicates a concept of an afterlife; thus, the idea of an afterlife and enhancing the wellbeing of family members constituted an old Chinese tradition (Lewis, I, 189; Chang, 95-96).Valuing family lines extends from prehistoric China where tombs hold groups of men, women and children indicating family based burial (Chang, 116). While Buddhist monks were integral for funerary rites, a similar concept was in place when the shaman were used to conduct divination with oracle bones (Chang, 51). Thus while Buddhism emerged as a foreign religion it integrated easily due to established cultural traditions which resonated with the faith.
During the disunion period, eremitism and literary interest emerged. Their development grew from a mixture of Chinese and foreign forces. Wang Chong in the 1st century elevated the Han because of its wealth in exotic goods (Lewis, I, 153). Foreigner’s goods received adulation and helped empower rulers. The core concept of measuring the weight of an emperor due to his ability to attract others (or exotic goods) to himself, Lewis argues allowed Buddhism to infiltrate in the 4th - 6th centuries as emperors practiced the religion (Lewis, I, 152; Lewis, II). With the rise of eremitism from before the Qin to its increase in the N & S dynasties period, (evidenced in accounts describing such individuals) the culture prepared to receive Buddhism monks and monasteries (Lewis, II, 22-23). Rising literary interest as seen in Cao, Cao, a military general who composed poetry evidenced foreign features (Lewis, II, 227). Liu Xie, writing on sounds and their written expression, demonstrates an interest which Lewis argues shows Indian literature’s presence and contact with Sanskrit (Lewis, II, 230-231). The early interest in exotic goods contributed to an acceptance and interest in unusual southern landscape features as evidenced through titles such as Xi Han’s The Appearance of Southern Grasses and Trees (Lewis, II, 21).These themes present in Chinese literature thus rooted in having contact with outsiders’ goods and the Han concept of measuring a ruler’s ability draw others. While the Chinese integrated aspects of foreign influences, nevertheless, there remained a self-conscious distance from the barbaric. The conversation between two nobles comparing the northern and southern peoples where the southerners are criticized for their “small bodies” illustrates a continued aversion to non-Chinese elements (Thompson, July 29, 09). The Chinese, due to contact with outside influences integrated certain aspects “quietly” while maintaining a certain reserve.
Another area evidencing an outsider’s touch is the Chinese cultural fabric. Just as the early Shang absorbed non-Shang weaponry, so the later culture adopted items such as Central Asian carpets and horses (Lewis, I, 129, 154). Historian Ban Gu’s letters document purchases of such exotics (Lewis, I, 154). Items such as face powder, the pipa and foods entered Chinese mainstream culture through trade (Lewis, I, 154). While adopting these elements, Chinese silk, as Faxian noted, became part of religious service in Central Asia (Lewis, II, 160). Thus while absorbing important alien elements the Chinese also impacted its surrounding neighbors.
To conclude, while foreigners strongly figure in Chinese history, core values remained intact. The Chinese adopted, merged or fled outsiders and their ideas. While outsiders often directed the rise and fall of dynasties the Chinese eventually radically changed their northern enemies and infiltrated quintessential political concepts to northern sedentary neighbors. “Foreign” ideas succeeded by springing off basic cultural cornerstones and failed to transform Chinese core values of family, religious adherence, and emperorship. While integral to Chinese history, foreigners failed to redefine the heart evidenced from prehistoric times.
References
Chang, K.C. Art, Myth, and Ritual: The Path to Political Authority in Ancient China.
Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University, 1983.
Lewis, Mark. China Between Empires: The Northern and Southern Dynasties. Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University, 2009.
Lewis, Mark. The Early Chinese Empires: Qin and Han. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard
University, 2007.
Thompson, Roger R. “Chinese History to 600 A.D.” Lecture, Western Washington University, Bellingham WA, July 2009.
Dunhuang texts: handout in “Chinese History to 600 A.D.” Lecture, Western Washington
University, Bellingham WA, July 28, 2009.
The Chinese Tradition in Antiquity. Handout in “Chinese History to 600 A.D.” Lecture, Western
Washington University, Bellingham WA, July 2009.
Surrounded by vast tracts of land, China faced the issue of permeable borders throughout her history. The porous boarder allowed for military incursions and warfare equipment and techniques to infiltrate. In prehistoric sites, evidences of warfare emerge. In North China, villages boost earthen walls while in Han-tan in Hopei human remains indicate signs of scalping (Chang, 114-117). While it is not deducible if foreign troops caused the walls to go up or the deaths, Northern China faced constant threats from roaming nomadic tribes during the imperial period. The nomadic attacks shaped the rise and fall of various dynasties. The Zhou, unable to contend with the Rong moved East allowing the Qin to polish its military skills until it defeated the Rong. As a sand grain in an oyster’s shell, the Rong’s presence instigated the development of the Qin enabling them to conquer the diverse Warring States. Later, a combination of warlords and the Xiongnu tribe brought the fall of the Western Jin (Lewis, II, 51). While initially lamentable, the southern flight only augmented the future wealth and prosperity of China with the integration of southern resources. Both examples demonstrate one tendency for the Chinese to flee from forceful tribal groups.
Another typical Chinese response involved integration or adoption of foreign people and ideas. As early as the Shang period, findings of bronze weapons different to typical Shang work show a trend that continued in adopting nomadic weaponry and military force (Lewis, I, 129). Histories from the Han period note the prominent presence of nomadic troops in the army; the Han began, “’using barbarians to control barbarians’”(Lewis, I, 139). Cao, Cao, centuries later, took captured Wuhuan people and formed a solid cavalry corps (Lewis, II, 59). With the policy of resettling conquered nomads within Chinese territory, their presence proved dominant during the Northern and Southern dynasties period. Thus, it can be argued that nomadic groups proved quintessential in shaping China’s history as they caused the Jin’s southern flight and remained a prominent Northern influence. Yet it was not a one way road between the sedentary Chinese culture and the mobile nomadic group. This is seen in the rise of the dual administration. The Murong Xianbei mixed the best of both, using mobile military forces and Chinese political structure (Lewis, II, 74). If seen from the nomadic perspective, the great stable culture to the south absorbed them and influenced their ideas of political administration. Under Tuoba Gui, a tribe, the Northern Wei came into being (Lewis, II, 79-80). It consistently adopted Chinese culture, and moved the capital to Luoyang (Lewis, II 81). The northerner’s mobility did not alter the established Chinese state; rather, the Chinese influenced them to establish roots. While resettling nomads within China almost proved lethal, it eliminated that threat by absorbing their people into the stable Sui and Tang dynasties. Intermarriage being common in these dynasties demonstrates the ultimate control of the Chinese culture upon their northern enemies (Lewis, II, 248).
With their sedentary neighbors in the North, the Chinese succeeded in granting more than they received. Areas of the future Korea gained validation by sending tribute to China (Lewis, I, 151). Brick patterns reflect Chinese influence in modern Southern Korea (Lewis, II, 153). The Japanese culture patterned heavily off their sedentary neighbor (Lewis, II, 155). Thus, China also transmitted important cultural and nation building elements to their neighbors. Sharing with sedentary cultures seemed more feasible than with mobile, militant tribes.
Within the religious realm, the Chinese culture remained stolid to influences until the N & S Dynasties period. Expansion interests as demonstrated in Zhang Qian’s strategic plot to ally with the Wusun and allow the “other countries to the west” to establish political relations and submission opened the door to Central Asia; this became the main artery for Buddhism (Lewis, I, 141; Lewis, II, 204). Notably Dunhuang, where Buddhist translator Kumarajiva lived, was part of the first century trade route and continued through the Han and Tang dynasties (Lewis, I, Map 12; Lewis, II, Map 14, 205). While Buddhism came to dominate much of Chinese religious thought, its success depended on certain Chinese cultural foundations. The interest in “dark studies” opened the door for monks to participate due to their own philosophical capacities (Lewis, II, 205). Buddhism’s teachings resonated with much of Chinese religion and values. The Analects note, “a young man is to be filial within his family”, highlighting the importance of filial piety (Confucius and the Analects, 45). Buddhism accommodated for this value through the ability to sacrifice for ancestors. Prayers attached to a sutra in Dunhuang all contain a plea for family member’s welfare (Dunhuang texts). A Confucian text, Master Xun describes burial places as imitations of their homes to enhance their afterlife; a Shang dynasty tomb in Honan province replete with expensive bronze vessels also indicates a concept of an afterlife; thus, the idea of an afterlife and enhancing the wellbeing of family members constituted an old Chinese tradition (Lewis, I, 189; Chang, 95-96).Valuing family lines extends from prehistoric China where tombs hold groups of men, women and children indicating family based burial (Chang, 116). While Buddhist monks were integral for funerary rites, a similar concept was in place when the shaman were used to conduct divination with oracle bones (Chang, 51). Thus while Buddhism emerged as a foreign religion it integrated easily due to established cultural traditions which resonated with the faith.
During the disunion period, eremitism and literary interest emerged. Their development grew from a mixture of Chinese and foreign forces. Wang Chong in the 1st century elevated the Han because of its wealth in exotic goods (Lewis, I, 153). Foreigner’s goods received adulation and helped empower rulers. The core concept of measuring the weight of an emperor due to his ability to attract others (or exotic goods) to himself, Lewis argues allowed Buddhism to infiltrate in the 4th - 6th centuries as emperors practiced the religion (Lewis, I, 152; Lewis, II). With the rise of eremitism from before the Qin to its increase in the N & S dynasties period, (evidenced in accounts describing such individuals) the culture prepared to receive Buddhism monks and monasteries (Lewis, II, 22-23). Rising literary interest as seen in Cao, Cao, a military general who composed poetry evidenced foreign features (Lewis, II, 227). Liu Xie, writing on sounds and their written expression, demonstrates an interest which Lewis argues shows Indian literature’s presence and contact with Sanskrit (Lewis, II, 230-231). The early interest in exotic goods contributed to an acceptance and interest in unusual southern landscape features as evidenced through titles such as Xi Han’s The Appearance of Southern Grasses and Trees (Lewis, II, 21).These themes present in Chinese literature thus rooted in having contact with outsiders’ goods and the Han concept of measuring a ruler’s ability draw others. While the Chinese integrated aspects of foreign influences, nevertheless, there remained a self-conscious distance from the barbaric. The conversation between two nobles comparing the northern and southern peoples where the southerners are criticized for their “small bodies” illustrates a continued aversion to non-Chinese elements (Thompson, July 29, 09). The Chinese, due to contact with outside influences integrated certain aspects “quietly” while maintaining a certain reserve.
Another area evidencing an outsider’s touch is the Chinese cultural fabric. Just as the early Shang absorbed non-Shang weaponry, so the later culture adopted items such as Central Asian carpets and horses (Lewis, I, 129, 154). Historian Ban Gu’s letters document purchases of such exotics (Lewis, I, 154). Items such as face powder, the pipa and foods entered Chinese mainstream culture through trade (Lewis, I, 154). While adopting these elements, Chinese silk, as Faxian noted, became part of religious service in Central Asia (Lewis, II, 160). Thus while absorbing important alien elements the Chinese also impacted its surrounding neighbors.
To conclude, while foreigners strongly figure in Chinese history, core values remained intact. The Chinese adopted, merged or fled outsiders and their ideas. While outsiders often directed the rise and fall of dynasties the Chinese eventually radically changed their northern enemies and infiltrated quintessential political concepts to northern sedentary neighbors. “Foreign” ideas succeeded by springing off basic cultural cornerstones and failed to transform Chinese core values of family, religious adherence, and emperorship. While integral to Chinese history, foreigners failed to redefine the heart evidenced from prehistoric times.
References
Chang, K.C. Art, Myth, and Ritual: The Path to Political Authority in Ancient China.
Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University, 1983.
Lewis, Mark. China Between Empires: The Northern and Southern Dynasties. Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University, 2009.
Lewis, Mark. The Early Chinese Empires: Qin and Han. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard
University, 2007.
Thompson, Roger R. “Chinese History to 600 A.D.” Lecture, Western Washington University, Bellingham WA, July 2009.
Dunhuang texts: handout in “Chinese History to 600 A.D.” Lecture, Western Washington
University, Bellingham WA, July 28, 2009.
The Chinese Tradition in Antiquity. Handout in “Chinese History to 600 A.D.” Lecture, Western
Washington University, Bellingham WA, July 2009.
Thursday, August 6, 2009
Family and Chinese Culture
Family was and continued central to Chinese society; however, it faced change through the Northern and Southern Dynasties period through a combination of influencing factors including the rise and fall of diverse states. Throughout the period, different political entities, new status definitions and emerging religious beliefs modified or maintained the family as an important social unit. Changes differed amongst social classes and geographical location. While families remained a powerful social unit, the period established possible precedents for societal realignments.
During the N & S Dynasties period families increased power often at the state’s hands. Cao Cao, aware of the established system of recommendations, invented a new Nine Rank method (Lewis, II, 38). He clearly stated the basis of such a method, “as long as a man is talented, he should be recommended”; it rejected family ties as a basis of power (Lewis, II, 39). Despite the attempt to avert family power, under the Sima, the system changed allowing familial ties to dictate candidates (Lewis, II, 42). With the establishment of military and agricultural state established colonies, the state attempted to garner its own base of power (Lewis, II, 55). However, the newly founded Jin, trying to acquire support granted the agricultural colonies to the families (Lewis, II, 57). These concessions demonstrate the power family units already played; the grants only increased their influence as a document notes, “honored and powerful households were able to mobilize hundreds of workers” (Lewis, II, 57). The colonies mainly affected the lower class recruiting them for service. In time these positions opened opportunities for these commoners as military service became hereditary. Xie An and Huan Wen both emerged from this service and gained great political power.
Another state policy increasing familial power occurred in the South where the state left irrigation and land cultivation to estate holders. Their involvement helped them develop technologies which granted greater wealth and power (Lewis, II, 13). Under different government systems great families augmented their power bases in unique ways. In the North with its lack of established political order, families developed armies giving them leverage (Lewis, II, 33). Southern China, a lush and agriculturally rich land, saw families amass estates and enter the court’s social elite (Lewis, II, 53). In the North, families formed a strong kinship link as a writer puts, “the northern lands emphasize sharing a surname, and call all such people ‘blood kin’” (Lewis, II, 130). Southern families while establishing huge estates tended to subdivide property. A memorial reveals families dividing possessions and turning cold shoulders to family members (Lewis, II, 131).The differences raises the question: could these be linked to political circumstances or did other societal structures encourage these dissimilarities?
Rising from the hereditary nature of the military colonies and the Nine Rank system came the practice of listing genealogies. These became essential to gain political office and those members who contributed nothing to an increase in rank were dropped from the chronology (Lewis, II, 134). Such a practice perhaps indicates a rising fissure point which defined kin on political grounds instead of filial piety. The Cui demonstrates the change. A Cui leader emphasized serving family before state, yet upon integrating into the Northern Wei court loyalty began disintegrating (Lewis, II, 133). With the Northern Wei’s split, Cui members sided with political leaders (Lewis, II, 133). Lewis notes northern and southern families increasingly adopted similar values; if so, they began placing importance upon political or social gain (Lewis, II, 134). Thus, while the Nine Rank method subverted to familial advantage, the rise of hereditary rank and genealogies turned the attention on political alliances versus kinship links. The state might yet work to divide family allegiances.
Another aspect defining social organization during the period is the emergence of a new social elitism that redefined status. Beginning with the “pure critique” movement, families developed a new self-definition which focused on literary and intellectual accomplishments (Lewis, II, 30-31). Lewis argues this led to a militarily weak south. Another aspect these new pursuits brought was individualism. Liu Fang contrasting the northern and southern people states, “families of the south are refined, so they value the exceptional individual” (Lewis, II, 134). The emphasis on cultivation and accomplishment created a breach between merit based on family line and inborn talent. Zhong Rong wrote Rankings of Poetry where he categorized poets based on aptitude not family ties, indicating the rise of a new value system based on the individual’s own qualities (Lewis, II, 235). Developments in poetry increasingly encouraged self expression. Cao Zhi’s “Mulberry on the Bank” is a reflection of his own feelings (Lewis, II, 228). Thus, the individual and his feelings are brought to the forefront. Writer Yan Zhitui, critiques anyone who without study wages war, revealing the basis of evaluation and the value placed on self-cultivation (Lewis, II, 68). With an individualistic focus, the communal nature of the family unit begins to break apart. The disunion of Southern family organization may reflect a focus on the characteristics of individuals rather than family ties or land of birth.
As Chinese families faced changes in the political and social spheres, they also embraced new religions. Daoism and Buddhism emerged strong integrating into the state and society. The Northern Wei, under different rulers, espoused either religion at a certain time (Lewis, II, 207). Buddhism’s influence from the state to the common level is clear from the carvings at Yangang and Longmen where inscriptions from each social class are found (Lewis, II, 209). Southern courts embraced the religion wholeheartedly with emperors participating in the religious rituals (Lewis, II, 206). The state’s involvement encouraged the spread and adoption of Buddhism. The Northern Wei instituted a chief monk and created samgha households where prisoners worked at Buddhist monasteries (Lewis, II, 207). Emperor Wu of Liang, in hosting large scale religious events reinforced the new faith (Lewis, II, 206). Buddhism began to exude and exert a significant influence upon the court. The Eastern Jin and other southern dominions exempted monks from bowing to the emperor (Lewis, II, 206). Such a development highlights a new power over the government. While the state supported Buddhism, it did not create or institute it as the First Emperor of the Qin with his feng and shen rituals. Being a separate entity, it possessed the possibility of turning against the state or society. Its rising power is revealed in the tale where the local population, observing an image “cry” interpreted the event as a sign of an impending disaster; so powerful was the belief that the government ordered the locals not to gaze upon the image. Here, belief wielded the authority to threaten the established social order and government. Texts, attached to sutras found in Dunhuang, hold prayers revealing the peoples’ desires and hopes they wish fulfilled through the act. One individual prays for his family and that, “the state may be preserved from pestilence” (Entry 3). Here the Army Superintendant expects acceptance and a response to his prayers in which he includes the state. The religion was granting individuals a voice for personal wishes through prayer, a powerful tool which could eventually be wielded against the state. Just as individualism appeared through literary works, so it entered through Buddhism. The Sect of the Three Stages emphasized the Buddha nature in all, opening the door to transcend class status and value each individual on a different basis (Lewis, II, 214). Buddhism offered to all the promise of an afterlife as it seen in the Army Superintendent’s wish for his parents to reach the “Pure Land” (Dunhuang Texts, Entry 3). With the concept of an afterlife it maintained the link between ancestors and live family members. As Buddhism infiltrated Chinese society, it became a fundamental part of funerary practices and rituals since monks needed to facilitate (Lewis, II, 189). While the state played a part in spurring the rise of Daoism and especially Buddhism, the religion maintained autonomous. Being a separate entity, it could be manipulated either by the state or influential families or it could exert its own authority on the two. It opened the door to commoners and infiltrated familial funerary practices and beliefs about ancestors. While tying family to ancestors it granted individual worth on the basis of individual potential. Thus Buddhism readjusted social organization to include commoners and insert an entity which families could maneuver over the state.
To conclude, while family continued as an important social unit during the N & S dynasties the period brought developments which could fracture the unity. State initiatives or lack of it allowed families to augment their clout. Those efforts meaning to avoid family power became structures toward the opposite goal. The rising interest in self-cultivation introduced a sense of individualism. This same idea is visible through Buddhism and the use of genealogies for political gain. Each established precedents for valuing people on individual talent or worth which could fracture the cohesion and interdependence of family lines. Additionally, society may begin to subdivide alliances on “acculturation”, religion or political party leading to a fracturing of the basic social cell. If self-cultivation, identification with a religious belief or political loyalty became categories for group formation and establishment, the culture could reorganize in relation to memberships rather than family ties. If these fissure points developed, the society’s life cell would be threatened and could define family choices after Sui abolished the Nine Rank System (Lewis, II, 250).
References
Lewis, Mark. China Between Empires: The Northern and Southern Dynasties. Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University, 2009.
Dunhuang Texts. Handout in “Chinese History to 600 A.D.” Lecture, Western Washington
University, Bellingham WA, July 2009.
During the N & S Dynasties period families increased power often at the state’s hands. Cao Cao, aware of the established system of recommendations, invented a new Nine Rank method (Lewis, II, 38). He clearly stated the basis of such a method, “as long as a man is talented, he should be recommended”; it rejected family ties as a basis of power (Lewis, II, 39). Despite the attempt to avert family power, under the Sima, the system changed allowing familial ties to dictate candidates (Lewis, II, 42). With the establishment of military and agricultural state established colonies, the state attempted to garner its own base of power (Lewis, II, 55). However, the newly founded Jin, trying to acquire support granted the agricultural colonies to the families (Lewis, II, 57). These concessions demonstrate the power family units already played; the grants only increased their influence as a document notes, “honored and powerful households were able to mobilize hundreds of workers” (Lewis, II, 57). The colonies mainly affected the lower class recruiting them for service. In time these positions opened opportunities for these commoners as military service became hereditary. Xie An and Huan Wen both emerged from this service and gained great political power.
Another state policy increasing familial power occurred in the South where the state left irrigation and land cultivation to estate holders. Their involvement helped them develop technologies which granted greater wealth and power (Lewis, II, 13). Under different government systems great families augmented their power bases in unique ways. In the North with its lack of established political order, families developed armies giving them leverage (Lewis, II, 33). Southern China, a lush and agriculturally rich land, saw families amass estates and enter the court’s social elite (Lewis, II, 53). In the North, families formed a strong kinship link as a writer puts, “the northern lands emphasize sharing a surname, and call all such people ‘blood kin’” (Lewis, II, 130). Southern families while establishing huge estates tended to subdivide property. A memorial reveals families dividing possessions and turning cold shoulders to family members (Lewis, II, 131).The differences raises the question: could these be linked to political circumstances or did other societal structures encourage these dissimilarities?
Rising from the hereditary nature of the military colonies and the Nine Rank system came the practice of listing genealogies. These became essential to gain political office and those members who contributed nothing to an increase in rank were dropped from the chronology (Lewis, II, 134). Such a practice perhaps indicates a rising fissure point which defined kin on political grounds instead of filial piety. The Cui demonstrates the change. A Cui leader emphasized serving family before state, yet upon integrating into the Northern Wei court loyalty began disintegrating (Lewis, II, 133). With the Northern Wei’s split, Cui members sided with political leaders (Lewis, II, 133). Lewis notes northern and southern families increasingly adopted similar values; if so, they began placing importance upon political or social gain (Lewis, II, 134). Thus, while the Nine Rank method subverted to familial advantage, the rise of hereditary rank and genealogies turned the attention on political alliances versus kinship links. The state might yet work to divide family allegiances.
Another aspect defining social organization during the period is the emergence of a new social elitism that redefined status. Beginning with the “pure critique” movement, families developed a new self-definition which focused on literary and intellectual accomplishments (Lewis, II, 30-31). Lewis argues this led to a militarily weak south. Another aspect these new pursuits brought was individualism. Liu Fang contrasting the northern and southern people states, “families of the south are refined, so they value the exceptional individual” (Lewis, II, 134). The emphasis on cultivation and accomplishment created a breach between merit based on family line and inborn talent. Zhong Rong wrote Rankings of Poetry where he categorized poets based on aptitude not family ties, indicating the rise of a new value system based on the individual’s own qualities (Lewis, II, 235). Developments in poetry increasingly encouraged self expression. Cao Zhi’s “Mulberry on the Bank” is a reflection of his own feelings (Lewis, II, 228). Thus, the individual and his feelings are brought to the forefront. Writer Yan Zhitui, critiques anyone who without study wages war, revealing the basis of evaluation and the value placed on self-cultivation (Lewis, II, 68). With an individualistic focus, the communal nature of the family unit begins to break apart. The disunion of Southern family organization may reflect a focus on the characteristics of individuals rather than family ties or land of birth.
As Chinese families faced changes in the political and social spheres, they also embraced new religions. Daoism and Buddhism emerged strong integrating into the state and society. The Northern Wei, under different rulers, espoused either religion at a certain time (Lewis, II, 207). Buddhism’s influence from the state to the common level is clear from the carvings at Yangang and Longmen where inscriptions from each social class are found (Lewis, II, 209). Southern courts embraced the religion wholeheartedly with emperors participating in the religious rituals (Lewis, II, 206). The state’s involvement encouraged the spread and adoption of Buddhism. The Northern Wei instituted a chief monk and created samgha households where prisoners worked at Buddhist monasteries (Lewis, II, 207). Emperor Wu of Liang, in hosting large scale religious events reinforced the new faith (Lewis, II, 206). Buddhism began to exude and exert a significant influence upon the court. The Eastern Jin and other southern dominions exempted monks from bowing to the emperor (Lewis, II, 206). Such a development highlights a new power over the government. While the state supported Buddhism, it did not create or institute it as the First Emperor of the Qin with his feng and shen rituals. Being a separate entity, it possessed the possibility of turning against the state or society. Its rising power is revealed in the tale where the local population, observing an image “cry” interpreted the event as a sign of an impending disaster; so powerful was the belief that the government ordered the locals not to gaze upon the image. Here, belief wielded the authority to threaten the established social order and government. Texts, attached to sutras found in Dunhuang, hold prayers revealing the peoples’ desires and hopes they wish fulfilled through the act. One individual prays for his family and that, “the state may be preserved from pestilence” (Entry 3). Here the Army Superintendant expects acceptance and a response to his prayers in which he includes the state. The religion was granting individuals a voice for personal wishes through prayer, a powerful tool which could eventually be wielded against the state. Just as individualism appeared through literary works, so it entered through Buddhism. The Sect of the Three Stages emphasized the Buddha nature in all, opening the door to transcend class status and value each individual on a different basis (Lewis, II, 214). Buddhism offered to all the promise of an afterlife as it seen in the Army Superintendent’s wish for his parents to reach the “Pure Land” (Dunhuang Texts, Entry 3). With the concept of an afterlife it maintained the link between ancestors and live family members. As Buddhism infiltrated Chinese society, it became a fundamental part of funerary practices and rituals since monks needed to facilitate (Lewis, II, 189). While the state played a part in spurring the rise of Daoism and especially Buddhism, the religion maintained autonomous. Being a separate entity, it could be manipulated either by the state or influential families or it could exert its own authority on the two. It opened the door to commoners and infiltrated familial funerary practices and beliefs about ancestors. While tying family to ancestors it granted individual worth on the basis of individual potential. Thus Buddhism readjusted social organization to include commoners and insert an entity which families could maneuver over the state.
To conclude, while family continued as an important social unit during the N & S dynasties the period brought developments which could fracture the unity. State initiatives or lack of it allowed families to augment their clout. Those efforts meaning to avoid family power became structures toward the opposite goal. The rising interest in self-cultivation introduced a sense of individualism. This same idea is visible through Buddhism and the use of genealogies for political gain. Each established precedents for valuing people on individual talent or worth which could fracture the cohesion and interdependence of family lines. Additionally, society may begin to subdivide alliances on “acculturation”, religion or political party leading to a fracturing of the basic social cell. If self-cultivation, identification with a religious belief or political loyalty became categories for group formation and establishment, the culture could reorganize in relation to memberships rather than family ties. If these fissure points developed, the society’s life cell would be threatened and could define family choices after Sui abolished the Nine Rank System (Lewis, II, 250).
References
Lewis, Mark. China Between Empires: The Northern and Southern Dynasties. Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University, 2009.
Dunhuang Texts. Handout in “Chinese History to 600 A.D.” Lecture, Western Washington
University, Bellingham WA, July 2009.
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